Guest Column: America's Ostensible Ally in Baku

Next week, Dmitry Medvedev travels to Japan for his first G-8 summit as president of Russia. But before that, he is on a three-day trip to Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan. If the West hasn't taken note of that, it should -- Vladimir Putin and now Medvedev have neatly cemented strong relationships with the oil- and natural gas-rich Caspian countries of Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan, nations that during the 1990s the U.S. sought to bring into the Western fold. These countries continue to be strategically important, both because of the tight energy supply, and because of the energy independence they can provide to Europe. In an email exchange, my friend Tom de Waal -- co-author of the classic Chechnya, and author of the trenchant Black Garden -- told me that in The Oil and the Glory I overplayed Azerbaijan's alienation from Russia. His argument was compelling, and I asked him to expand it into a guest column. The result follows.

By Tom de Waal

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev arrives in Baku today.

In the West, there is a widespread assumption that Azerbaijan is an ally, and in the same anti-Russian camp as Georgia. I think that is a misperception. Azerbaijan is now developing a foreign policy of “complementarity,” which used to be the aspiration of the Armenians – be on good terms with everybody and get the best out of everybody. The model here is Kazakhstan, rather than Georgia.

Actually this was always the case. I suspect the Azerbaijanis have always been good at delivering the message in Washington, “You are our main ally and friend” and then going to Moscow and repeating the same refrain. Heydar Aliyev, the first post-Soviet Azerbaijani president (and father of the current president), was careful to keep good relations with Russia; before he talked seriously to Western partners about the non-Russian Baku-Ceyhan oil pipeline, he got a Russian oil pipeline in place – the so-called Early Oil line from Baku to Novorossiisk. Aliyev also wanted to give the Iranians a stake in the offshore Azerbaijani oil consortium, known as AIOC, but was of course over-ruled by the Americans. Aliyev kept his good contacts in Moscow, but was held back by Boris Yeltsin’s personal antipathy to him -- although he did successfully bury the hatchet with another Gorbachev-era reformer who had been his enemy in the Politburo, Eduard Shevardnadze.

Once Vladimir Putin came to power, Aliyev made it a strategic priority to rebuild relations with Russia. Aliyev was very successfully at charming the Putin Kremlin, and his daughter, Sevil, made a useful marriage with a well-connected Moscow Azerbaijani, Mahmud Mammadquliyev. The elite-level relationship has deepened under his son, Ilham Aliyev.

Medvedev, with his background as former chairman of Gazprom, the Russian natural gas giant, now speaks the same language of money and energy as the Azerbaijani elite. They must find it a relief not to have to bother with all that talk of democratization and human rights that enters conversations with Western politicians.

The Georgians enjoy the access they get in Washington but I wonder if they secretly envy the lobbying power in Russia of people like Vagit Alekperov, the Azerbaijani chairman of Lukoil, who have made sure that Azerbaijan doesn’t suffer the kind of boycotts, visa bans and border closures that the Georgians do.

The price for Azerbaijan is that it will not pursue NATO membership, which would alienate Russia, but I believe that is not a big priority for the country’s elite. The Azerbaijanis now feel secure enough because of their vast and growing oil wealth. Moreover, NATO standardization would also threaten to bring unwelcome transparency to the notoriously corrupt Azerbaijani armed forces.

This is not a love-match but a marriage of interests—as indeed is the Azerbaijani-U.S. relationship. Both Baku and Moscow are still capable of actions that hurt ordinary people:

In Azerbaijan, the authorities have needlessly banned the re-broadcasting of Russian television channels, barring Russian-speaking pensioners who cannot afford satellite television from their only form of entertainment; in Russia, the authorities have played to a xenophobic constituency by stopping Azeris from trading at markets. The newspaper commentariats in both countries continue to exchange hostile remarks, and men like former Azeri presidential adviser Vafa Guluzade continue to blame all of the country’s ills on the Russians.

But on an elite level, there are plenty of common interests. And consider also an opinion poll conducted by Azerbaijani political analyst Rasim Musabekov in Azerbaijan in February 2008.

Asked to name the three nations friendliest to Azerbaijan, 89% of Musabekov’s respondents unsurprisingly named Turkey. But Russia came in second place with a 20% vote of approval, well ahead of the United States, which was named by 5.7%, just behind Iran and on the same level as Ukraine.

This suggests that, on the street level, Russia and Russians remain popular with ordinary Azeris. They are still on the same wavelength in a way that Americans or Europeans will never be.

O and G Goes Live on Business Week

Business Week has imported O and G into its on-line magazine. Here is the link. O and G readers can continue to receive RSS feeds through the usual site, but you ought to take a look at the Biz Week offerings, both the enterprise stories and its other bloggers. There is good smart stuff.

Why the Kremlin is Winning the Pipeline War

Guy Chazan of The Wall Street Journal weighs in today with the narrative of Russia's thus-far winning strategy against the U.S. for petro-leverage in Europe. As O and G readers know, Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev have not just out-foxed the Bush administration in this important contest for economic and political leverage across Europe. They also have simply worked harder. The result is a huge advantage for Russia's South Stream and Nord Stream natural gas pipelines. As for the West's competing Nabucco pipeline -- to call it stillborn would be charitable.

The piece puts together how the Russians, using no strong-arm tactics but orthodox economic incentives, so far have triumphed. But pipeline junkies may be amused that it entirely omits Turkmenistan, the center of the pipeline race. Azerbaijan -- a bit player in this project -- is wrongly identified as the vortex. In addition, Matt Bryza, the State Department's deputy assistant secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs, is inaccurately identified as "a key architect" of Washington's triumphant Baku-Ceyhan pipeline. I like Bryza a lot, and no one in State has stuck to the issues longer. But to be fair to a host of others, in the 1990s he was a junior player.

Book recommendation: I reviewed William J. Bernstein's A Splendid Exchange in Business Week. It's one of those personality-driven works where you can actually get through the sweep of history without much effort, in this case using the prism of world trade.

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Baku oil legend Nikolai Baibakov Dies at 98

As readers of O and G know, many historians think the second half of the 20^th century would have been dramatically different had Hitler’s troops reached Baku. Hitler needed Baku’s oil to fuel his war machine, and when his army failed to penetrate the Caucasus after its 1941 invasion of the Soviet Union, it was the beginning of the end for Nazi-era Germany.

Just in case Hitler’s troops were not stopped before they reached Baku, Stalin entrusted one man with making sure that the Nazis could not avail of the city’s legendary oil. This man, who ordered the fields plugged up with cement, was Nikolai Baibakov, who died yesterday in Moscow at the age of 98.

Baibakov – Stalin’s oil commissar and for two decades the director of Soviet economic planning – was born in the Baku oilfield of Sabunchi; his father had worked in the Baku oilfields before him. So he knew intuitively what Stalin was so worked up about. A superlatively colorful actor in the biggest events of recent history, Baibakov recalled with black humor some of his encounters with the murderous Stalin.

In a 1998 interview with The Petroleum Economist, Baibakov said Stalin pointed two fingers at his head and said, “If you fail to stop the Germans getting our oil, you will be shot. And when we have thrown the invader out, if we cannot restart production, we will shoot you again.”

Those were the tenor of the times. Oil engineers from Baku, accused of crimes such as being the relative of the Czarist-era oil barons, were loaded into railcars with their families like cattle and shipped to Siberia to start new oilfields.

A New York Times obituary quotes Baibakov's reply as to whether his fellow oil officials were shot during those days: “Yes, several.”

Then, as now, Russia’s entire economy was dependent on oil and the revenue from oil exports

Thanks to O and G Readers

The Oil and the Glory is No. 15 on Foreign Affairs magazine's Best-Seller List of books on American foreign policy and international affairs. The ranking is based on sales at Barnes & Noble. Thanks for your support.

The Western Side of the Pipeline War: On the Brink of Failure?

Readers: apologies for the week-long absence. I am back from vacation. Now, on to the latest in the pipeline war.

Another domino has fallen in Russia's relentless advance in the European natural gas pipeline war. After Monday's visit to Budapest by Russia's probable new president, Dmitri Medvedev, Hungary's prime minister is expected to sign the deal in Moscow tomorrow.

That's after an astutely run offensive in which Medvedev and his mentor, Vladimir Putin, have already recently signed on Bulgaria, Austria and Serbia, not to mention the prize in the contest -- Turkmenistan. These countries are now Russia's partners in the construction of a huge new natural gas pipeline system, Moscow's aim being to project power into Europe through dominance of the continent's gas market. Mathematically, Moscow's aim would be represented as: Economic power = Political power.

After all this, is there any reasonable case favoring a rival pipeline plan championed by Washington and the European Union? Generally, my own rule of thumb in pipeline politics is that no deal is a deal until Sumitomo's lengths of steel cylinders actually arrive on the spot, and welding begins. And they haven't.

Consider the first battle of this East-West pipeline war -- over the Baku-Ceyhan oil pipeline, connecting the Caspian and Mediterranean seas.

On Oct. 11, 1998, The New York Times committed a stupendous blunder. As readers of The Oil and the Glory know, the newspaper's lead story that Sunday, written by my former colleague Steve Kinzer, declared White House-backed Baku-Ceyhan to be "on the brink of failure." Less than a year later, a deal for the line was a reality.

Kinzer's mistake was in focusing on the big picture and armchair analysts in Washington and London, all of which indeed did make the strategic pipeline look to be dead. What he and these pundits missed were the facts on the ground -- from Central Asia and the Caucasus, it was clear that the pipeline was going to happen. Principally, Azerbaijan President Heydar Aliyev -- who had his hands on 5.4 billion barrels of oil that floundering Big Oil was desperate to develop and sell -- wanted that pipeline. It helped that essential NATO member Turkey wanted the line, too, as did the 800-pound gorilla, the White House. But the main thing was the insistence of Aliyev -- the essential man on the Caspian. Big Oil had to build it, and today, it's mightily glad it did so, since it's delivering about 1 million barrels a day of oil onto the tight world market, entirely free of interference by Moscow.

Yet today Heydar Aliyev is dead, and the Caspian is surrounded by presidents with, to put it kindly, shorter geopolitical stature. Big Oil seems to be absent the big corporate personalities who in the 1990s got in the sauna with one or more of the Caspian presidents, downed some vodka shots, and emerged with rights to huge reservoirs. And the White House lacks the vision to assign a political heavyweight -- in the 1990s, it was Clinton and Al Gore themselves, in addition to National Security Adviser Sandy Berger -- to spearhead a deal.

As for the future, there's no sign of the Bush administration suddenly changing course. The word is that Condi Rice will appoint Bush family friend Donald Evans to general the western battle. But Evans lacks the star power for instant success, and the longevity -- he will be out once the next administration takes power next year -- to manage through sheer effort.

Big Oil has been slow to snag a natural gas deal in Turkmenistan that would jump-start the western-backed Nabucco pipeline. And, short of a trip to Camp David, Turkmen President Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov isn't suddenly going to grow a spine.

Meanwhile, Putin and his protege Medevedev are running Moscow's battle plan personally.

So, at the risk of repeating the Kinzer Blunder, Nabucco does appear to be on the brink of failure.

Of course, lightning could always strike.

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The Life of the Oligarchs

When it comes to oligarchs, Vladimir Putin is a choosy ruler. He likes some, he hates some, and sometimes an oligarch can move from one to the other category with some dispatch. So was the fate of Mikhail Gutseriev, who until recently was head of a Russian oil company called Russneft. Putin decided that he wanted one of his favored oligarchs, Oleg Deripaska, to take over the company. Gutseriev resisted. He accused Putin of forcing him to sell. Then, in a story told previously with other Russian billionaires, Russian prosecutors went after him with criminal charges. He's now wanted in Russia for alleged fraud and money laundering, and is seeking asylum in Great Britain, the home of many such Russian outcasts.

This week, the newsletter Nefte Compass has a scoop that Gutseriev has meanwhile become an Azerbaijani oil baron. With $340 million, he has purchased the Azeri holdings of Nations Energy, the Canadian company that last year sold its Kazakh oilfields to China's Citic Resources for $1.9 billion, and made a group of Westerners very rich men.

Azerbaijan, which isn't very close to Moscow these days, is apparently safe ground for Putin's enemies. The suspicion that accompanies such prosecutions is fueled by Putin's custom of pursuing them after a powerful person refuses to bend to his will.

Arctic Counter-Claims; Musharraf's Defeat

Exploring the Arctic: William Broad weighs in today with the fascinating back story to Russia’s pioneering dive to the bottom of the Arctic last summer. Russia claimed the right to half the Arctic seabed, which is probably the largest remaining untapped repository of oil and natural gas on the planet. But in Broad’s New York Times piece, the Russians are depicted as not entirely responsible for the feat.

It turns out that the plan for the dive, including how to return safely, originated with a retired American Navy submariner named Alfred McLaren. The result is a bitterly worded tit-for-tat between McLaren and the Russians. One of McLaren’s defenders, a deep sea diver named Don Walsh who worked with the Russians, calls the Russian dive an “example of how to steal your way to fame [that] will become a legend in the history of exploration.”

But Mike McDowell, an Australian who organized polar voyages that inspired the idea, sides with the Russian credited with the dive, Anatoly Sagalevitch, the expedition’s chief scientist. McLaren, he said, is afflicted with a severe case of sour grapes. “He wanted to be first to the pole. Well, it just didn’t work out that way,” McDowell says.

Pakistan's fresh challenge: Pervez Musharraf seems a lot less nefarious today than his detractors have claimed. Previously, this blog has argued that Pakistan’s leader is far more genuine and certainly no worse politically than those who would unseat him, including the since-assassinated Benazir Bhutto and her rival Nawaz Sharif. After the resounding defeat of his political allies in yesterday’s parliamentary elections, Musharraf has accepted the result, and said he's prepared to work with his opponents.

Reporting by my friend Carlotta Gall out of the country’s west – North West Frontier Province and the tribal territories – has seemed to show that many Pakistanis themselves are fed up with the violent militancy in their midst. That – and finally building up a secular education system – may be the main focus of the new government.

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Putin On Stage

Vladimir Putin conducted his valedictory annual news conference today, and it was a bravura performance – more than four and a half hours long (Reuters video). Among the questions posed involved the pipeline war. Putin, a consummate player of market economics whose pipeline strategy – Nord Stream and South Stream – has left the U.S. and the European Union flat-footed, accused Washington of politicizing pipelines. And he’s right – if the issue were purely economic, no one would care much about Russia’s economic inroads in Europe; his critics are apprehensive that, as it has acted in Georgia, Ukraine and elsewhere, Russia will exploit market advantage for political leverage. Putin also pointed out that the west “has no resource base” – no natural gas to put into the alternative pipeline it favors. Again, Putin is correct. That is what makes the West's proposed trans-Caspian and Nabucco lines so far untenable.

Here are Putin’s direct remarks:

"As for what smells of oil or gas, we know how our American partners conduct dialogue in Europe. They come to certain countries, try to convince them not to buy our resources or to try to find different routes to deliver fuels, avoiding Russian territory. They put pressure on these countries and that's already in the political sphere. I think this is a wrong policy, a dumb one. Moreover, it's unprofessional, since behind all this politicization of the question, there are no calculations, there's no resource base."

"On the issue of Gazprom biting into the body of Europe [with its efforts to acquire assets there], why the Americans are so concerned for the European body, I don't know. Maybe because they want a piece of it, they like it, it's a nice body. … Yes, the economic power of Russian companies is growing, of course, but our main consumers, especially in Europe, should only be happy about that. … Gazprom isn't demanding any exclusives, it just requires fair cooperation.

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Rice in the Race

The Bush administration has officially announced the high-profile Caspian Envoy position we’ve been discussing on this blog for some three months. This would be Washington’s point person in the contest for petro-influence with Russia in Europe.

In reply to a question before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee yesterday, Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice said she’s head-hunting for the position now:

“I do intend to appoint, and we are looking for, a special energy coordinator who could especially spend time on the Central Asian and Caspian region,” Rice said. She added, ``It is a really important part of diplomacy. In fact, I think I would go so far as to say that some of the politics of energy is warping diplomacy in certain parts of the world.”

Rice is right. Russia's Vladimir Putin is far advanced in his shrewd market strategy for dominating Europe's natural gas supply even more than Russia currently does. Putin has personally gotten most of the necessary approvals from other nations for three new natural gas pipelines stretching from Turkmenistan into the heart of Europe. Meanwhile, Washington is not yet out of the starting gate for its rival, Western-controlled pipeline system that also would begin in Turkmenistan.

But I have my doubts about Rice's seriousness given her singular focus on the Middle East as a legacy issue for the Bush administration. Even if she were actively seeking someone, it seems highly unlikely that this late in the administration she could get a commitment from anyone with enough star power to outplay the masterful Putin.

Someone such as Zbigniew Brzezinski or James Baker. And even if someone of that caliber did agree, he or she would likely be in the job just 11 months, until the next administration takes over, which doesn’t seem sufficient time to mold the Western plan into shape.

Back in November, it looked like U.S. super-diplomat Thomas Pickering was imminently to be appointed. In the end, I’m told that the lawyers couldn’t work it out given his position as an adviser to Boeing.

The most realistic question now may be whether it will be too late when the next administration gets up and running.

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Becoming Quieter on the Caspian

The prize in the Pipeline War is Turkmenistan. Russia and China -- especially the former -- are far ahead of the West in the contest. One reason has been their willingness to look the other way on the issues of human rights, rigged elections and presidents for life.

Chris Chivers of The New York Times weighed in over the weekend on the American response, which is to lower the volume on the moralizing.

There has been a U.S. policy shift on the Caspian, and that's to tell the presidents that they don't have to be like Norway to get along with Washington. As long as they stay on the good-behavior -end of the spectrum of the generally badboy former Soviet states, they're all right.

Some quiet diplomacy is needed in the region. The U.S. is right to give the benefit of the doubt, for instance, to Turkmen President Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov as long as he continues to methodically dismantle the legacy of his predecessor, Saparmurat Niyazov.

The aim of the U.S. policy is to help to continue to carve out some long-term breathing room for the region from Russia by championing the trans-Caspian and Nabucco natural gas pipelines to Europe. So far, Turkmenistan has been more favorable toward Russia's competing system, the Nord Stream and South Stream pipelines.

Yet there's a line not to be crossed.

One is pandering. Chivers provides an astonishing public remark by Julie Finley, U.S. ambassador to the OSCE. Speaking to Kazakhs in Europe a couple of years ago about their seizure of unflattering newspapers, Finley said, “Maybe you saved some readers some waste of time, anyway.”

And a second is Uzbekistan. Chivers describes a recent visit to Tashkent by the apparently irrepressible Admiral William Fallon, commander of the U.S. Central Command. Fallon is seeking to help thaw currently frozen relations with Uzbekistan's Islam Karimov, who holds the distinction of being the former Soviet Union's most brutal dictator.

“I told them that we couldn’t do much about the past, but that we could look at the future,” Fallon said of his discussion with the Uzbeks.

With respect, that's incorrect, Admiral Fallon. There is no respectable future relationship with Karimov until, for starters, he proves that he has stopped torturing and killing his people.

Unlike some of the region's other leaders, Karimov took no road to post-Soviet ruthlessness. He began there. My own initial sign of that was back in January 1992, two weeks after the Soviet collapse, when I crossed the street from the Hotel Uzbekistan to talk to the Pulatov brothers at Birlik, the then-Tashkent-based opposition group whose office was across the street. At the bottom of the stairs was a pool of blood. Inside, I learned from the more active of the two Pulatovs -- Abdumanop -- that his brother Abdurahim had been knocked on the head with a pipe by an unknown assailant.

The situation has declined since. Karimov regards entreaties by westerners such as Fallon not as an opportunity to re-open a perhaps positive economic path for his people, but a display of weakness, evidence that he still calls the shots in the dance with the foreigners.

It will probably require Karimov going the way of Niyazov before normal relations with the West can resume.

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Serbia, Bulgaria and the World

Vladimir Putin today racked up another in a string of unbroken victories in the European Pipeline War. Serbia has sold Gazprom a majority stake in the state oil company, NIS, and joined Russia's South Stream Pipeline consortium. Last week, Bulgaria signed onto South Stream as well.

The pipeline is part of Putin's strategy to cement Russia's domination of Europe's energy market, which receives around a third of its oil and natural gas from Russia. Ultimately at stake is political influence in Europe, as Andrew Ross Sorkin discussed today in The New York Times.

The United States and the European Union oppose Russia gaining more of a foothold in Europe, but Putin has far eclipsed their rival Nabucco pipeline project, which would feed natural gas from Turkmenistan to Europe.

Putin's triumphs stem from his personal role in the energy strategy. He himself has flown to Central Asia, to eastern Europe and elsewhere numerous times to court the presidents of the transit countries personally. He even got former German Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder to chair a companion pipeline, called Nord Stream.

Europe and the United States meanwhile have barely gotten started. In recent days, the State Department has discussed a new name to lead the Western effort -- Bush family friend Donald Evans -- but there is legitimate doubt that he has sufficient star power to upstage Putin. The U.S. presidential election may push the issue even further back on the Western agenda.

For a contrarian view of the issue, read this piece by Stratfor, which argues that the Bulgaria deal shows that Russia is actually losing the pipeline war. I personally think this analysis is upside down, but afficionados of pipeline politics should hear all sides.

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Annals of the Rising Lilliputians

The center of gravity of power is shifting relentlessly from the West. The most successful cars are made in Japan. The power of the purse is shifting to less profligate countries like Singapore, and petro-powers like Kuwait. Manufacturing has gone to China. Energy is in the hands of Saudi Arabia, Russia and others.

Much of this shift affects the legendary Big Oil companies, which are being pummeled from all sides.

Now comes another hit. Until now, even if they couldn't control the resources, at least they could buy the oil and natural gas and earn the markup from lucrative finished products. But the world's petro-powers are no longer satisfied earning hundreds of billions of dollars from the mere sale of $100 oil. They want the entire profit chain from their oil and natural gas -- from power generation, retail sales at the pump, refining and chemical-making.

To the degree this happens, it takes away the daily bread of the oil companies, and shifts more power into the hands of the petro-powers. They have even more money to influence global finance, buy up pieces of the Western economies, and if they so desire -- as Russia does -- to sway political events.

Two pieces in today's New York Times go into this topic. One, by Peter Goodman and Louise Story, talks about the purchase of pieces of the economy. The story is decent as a survey, but makes a common mistake by evaluating these purchases in the context of the entire economy, and thus diminishing their importance.

The more relevant context is within industries and slices of industries, for instance in banking and specifically investment banking. As we've discussed on this blog previously, some investment bankers predict that so-called sovereign wealth funds -- the investment arms of these cash-rich states -- will eventually outright control the global finance sector.

In the second piece, Jad Mouawad talks about the aspirations of Saudi Arabia. The article describes a giant new petro-chemical complex under construction in the Saudi city of Rabigh, and the king's idea to build six new industrial cities. This is all reliant on $100 oil, which makes one suppose that the kingdom will do all it can to keep prices right about there.

Edward Lucas Unbound

Edward Lucas, a colleague from the Economist, lets loose today with an excerpt in London's Daily Mail from his new book, The New Cold War. Lucas, a take-no-prisoners critic of the Putin Kremlin, is one of the most articulate voices writing in English on Russia. I expect his book to do well.

Why Russia is Winning the Pipeline War

Vladimir Putin.

That's how Russia today made another advance in one of the most important battles under way anywhere in the world at the intersection of commerce and geopolitics -- for control of the natural gas market between Central Asia and Europe. This battle will decide who dominates the European energy market, and obtains commensurate political leverage in Europe and Central Asia. Russia already supplies more than 30% of Europe's natural gas and oil.

In another example of the role of personal diplomacy in the battle, Putin was in Sofia today and signed a deal nailing down Bulgaria's role as the principal transit point for the South Stream natural gas pipeline, which is meant to cement Russia's dominance of southern Europe's gas supply.

Putin had previously used the prestige of the Kremlin to push through plans for a separate pipeline serving northern Europe, called Nord Stream. And last month, he secured the natural gas supply required to feed the two lines. Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan sold a large portion of their natural gas supply for the next thirty years, and agreed to a third pipeline to take their natural gas to Europe.

One would hardly know that Russia has a competitor in this epic market battle. But it does -- the West, specifically the European Union and the U.S., which have advanced their own dual-pipeline idea. They are a proposed trans-Caspian natural gas pipeline, also starting in Turkmenistan, and hooking into a proposed Nabucco pipeline into Europe.

How is the Western effort faring? It's stalled at the starting gate. Indeed, while Putin personally jets around the world, wining, dining and flattering the presidents of other nations whose favor is required, no Western leader has invited any of them for a personal meal. The U.S. hasn't even managed to select a senior statesman to lead the effort since Thomas Pickering dropped out and decided to stay in the private sector.

If it were not for the way that post-Soviet history has been so topsy-turvy, with a winner one day ultimately losing, I'd say the battle is over. For starters, it's high time for Turkmenistan President Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov to spend some time at Camp David.

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Two Hours in Astana

My mother's lawyer boyfriend once offered up some legal advice when I was in a dispute with a contractor: It'll all be settled on the courthouse steps. In other words, even though logic says it's less stressful to resolve one's differences at once, and the final deal often doesn't differ much from what's offered along the way, the actual practice is that one or both parties simply won't walk over the line until the very last possible moment.

So it apparently was yesterday in a settlement of the months-long dispute over the supergiant Kashagan oilfield. Recall that new development of this 13-billion-barrel behemoth has been stalled since the summer over a five-year delay in first oil, and a huge cost overrun.

Take a look at the timeline of the weekend events. At the invitation of Kazakhstan's Nursultan Nazarbayev, the chairmen of most of the world's biggest oil companies had readied to pile in to the capital of Astana for a resolution last Friday. They were put off for two days before meetings finally commenced. The trouble was already apparent when Christophe de Margerie, CEO of France's Total, met with the state oil company on Saturday, then simply left town; that's something that a CEO simply doesn't do when an important president has summoned you.

That left Exxon CEO Rex Tillerson, Eni's Paolo Scaroni and Shell's Jeroen van der Veer meeting for nine full hours -- until midnight -- at a restaurant with Prime Minister Karim Masimov.

At 1:56 a.m. today local time, Bloomberg's Nariman Gizitdinov and Lucian Kim filed the following lead paragraphs in a story:

Eni and partners failed to reach an agreement with the Kazakhstan government over stakeholdings in the Kashagan oil field, Eni Chief Executive Officer Paolo Scaroni said, adding he doesn't expect to return to the central Asian nation ``for a long time.'' ``We haven't reached an agreement yet,'' Scaroni said in an interview early today in Astana, the Kazakh capital, after a nine-hour meeting with Kazakh Prime Minister Karim Masimov and the chief executives of companies including Exxon Mobil and Royal Dutch Shell.

Less than two hours later, at 3:49 a.m. local time, Reuters filed the following:

Kazakhstan's KazMunaiGas has reached a deal with an Eni-led consortium over developing the giant Kashagan oil field which will give it an equal share in the project with the largest shareholders. In a statement, the Kazakh company said all companies in the consortium … had agreed unanimously to the new terms.

What happened during those two hours?

The deal on the courthouse steps. Here is a pretty good Bloomberg piece on the deal. Here's Guy Chazan's from The Wall Street Journal.

By the look of things, Masimov and the state oil company pushed matters pretty far and seemed so unlikely to budge that, to put it bluntly, the CEOs of both Eni -- the field operator -- and Total threw up their hands.

At which point Nazarbayev probably stepped in and told his negotiators to agree more or less with the last deal on the table. This is conjecture, but seems likely in the context of how previous disputes in Kazakhstan have been settled.

“Now, a fair decision has been made,” the president’s official web site quoted him as saying in a meeting with company representatives today after the resolution was announced. He said, “After long and difficult negotiations, the Kazakhstani side has protected its interests. … We have prevented a breach of the contract, which was possible if we did not agree.”

Takeaways from the deal: According to The Wall Street Journal, the companies will make an immediate, good-faith payment of $300 million to Kazakhstan. Over the life of the contract, which expires in 2041, they will pay an additional $5 billion to the country, depending on the price of oil. And they will begin to pay the money earlier than previously agreed.

Kazakhstan will pay a sweetheart price of $1.78 billion for about 8% of Kashagan, raising its share of the field to 16.8%, the same as Total, Shell, Eni and Exxon.

After Kashagan comes on line in 2011, Eni will lose operatorship. Kazakhstan appear to have won the final say on how the field is run, with the four top shareholders divvying up duties for developing it.

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Planespotting Putin, Musharraf and Nazarbayev

What do these three heads of state have in common? All have had their executive aircraft -- those luxury suites on wings on which they travel the world -- photographed and logged by amateur plane-spotters.

This is good fun. But these hobbyists can also break news. For instance, the latest issue of Foreign Policy has a piece about a possible six-year European shopping spree by Tunisian First Lady Leila Ben Ali. Tunisian bloggers have tracked the north African country's presidential aircraft all over Europe, while noting that reclusive leader Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali almost never leaves his office. They don't seem far from putting two and two together.

The on-line Foreign Policy piece considerately explains how to get started tracking the movements of presidential planes using sites such as Airliners.net. How about the aircraft used by Vladimir Putin? Or the plane used to fly Nursultan Nazarbayev? How about Pervez Musharraff's aircraft?

The movements of the presidents themselves aren't that interesting. After all, that's well-covered by the media. But it could be grist for trackers of first family wealth and spending habits.

Note to Presidential Candidates II: Plateau Oil

Dick Cheney famously called conservation a lifestyle issue, but the pragmatist’s case for sharply reduced demand for gasoline keeps getting stronger.

Quite apart from security and environmental issues, the folks who have the oil have made it plain that they’re not able or willing to produce more simply because China and India are growing gangbusters, and Americans wish to drive SUVs.

That is, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Kazakhstan and so on – the nations whose state-owned companies control more than 80% of the world’s known reserves – are placing a deliberate restraint on supply, as Ed Crooks blogged yesterday at the FT.

It's partly why some oil company chairman are predicting an "oil plateau" -- a production level of 100 million barrels of oil or so a day that simply won't be regularly exceeded. That's just 20% above the 87 million barrels a day produced now.

I raise this in part because of an article posted yesterday by The Economist, titled “Peak Nationalism.” The piece identifies the above-noted countries as part of the supply problem. For some reason, they don’t want to suck their fields dry. But, the magazine says, “politicians might console themselves with the thought that even the most recalcitrant petro-regime is more malleable than the brute realities of geology.”

The ordinarily sensible Economist has somehow missed the last 35 years of history, in which what it calls “politics” have played an integral role in the world’s oil supply. The policies of nations – in the West and the Middle East – influence both demand and supply. And petro-states see it in their own best interests to stretch out the income stream into the next generations.

That’s not recalcitrant. That’s rational.

It's a central issue for the U.S. presidential candidates. A previously election-oriented post urged more attention to Russia and its oil pipeline policy in Europe. This is a corollary issue. Even higher mileage requirements for vehicles, accelerated retooling of Detroit, more encouragement of non-carbon energy technology all are needed.

At some point, someone will inform Washington that ethanol, while it does satisfy the lobbies of the corn-growing states and their companies, isn't the future. But there could be an answer in the laboratories of Big Oil and the Silicon Valley.

Here's a brief rundown from CNN on the main candidates' positions on energy.

Photo: Nick Stenning
Rights: Creative Commons

To O and G Readers

A very happy 2008. To the healthy and respectful give and take on issues that all of us think are important regardless of where we live, and from which perspective we look at them. Best Steve

Photo: Rocketjim54
Rights: Creative Commons

Presidential Candidates Clueless on Russia; Report: Putin to be NYT columnist

The presidential candidates as a whole don't look very sure-footed on former Soviet policy. That is except for John McCain, who says Russia should be shoved out of the G-8, and that the U.S. should proceed with the non-working missile shield in Poland and the Czech Republic. T