Steve LeVine covers foreign affairs for BusinessWeek. He previously was correspondent for Central Asia and the Caucasus for The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times for 11 years. His first book, The Oil and the Glory, a history of the former Soviet Union through the lens of oil, was published in October 2007. Putin’s Labyrinth, his new book, profiles Russia through the lives and deaths of six Russians. It was released this week.

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A Blog on Russia, Central Asia and
the Caucasus

Thursday, July 17, 2008

The Economist reviews Labyrinth

Labyrinth is reviewed alongside three worthy colleagues by Edward Lucas at the Economist.

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Wednesday, July 16, 2008

Labyrinth At Google

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Friday, July 11, 2008

A Moratorium on Murder?

Russia and Britain are in the latest throes of their dustup over the nuclear assassination of Alexander Litvinenko in central London. The latest chapter is a TV report detailing apparent British conclusions that the Russian state -- and not just individuals or rogues -- were responsible for the poisoning. The Russians have demanded an official British "explanation," meaning a refutation, which the British have refused to provide.

What seems lost in all of this noise is a strange quiet elsewhere -- there have been no sensational murders or state-assisted slaughter involving Russia in well over a year, since Litvinenko's slaying in November 2006.

Even if one counts the mysterious death of journalist Ivan Safronov in March 2007, when he fell five floors from his apartment building, it is still a relatively long time.

Vladimir Putin and his successor Dmitri Medvedev have put up an impassive face toward international outrage toward the string of murders and deaths during Putin's time in power. Earlier this week, Medvedev is said to have rejected British Prime Minister Gordon Brown's face-to-face renewal of Britain's request for the extradition of Andrei Lugovoi, whom Britain has charged with Litvinenko's murder.

Yet, one wonders whether the persistent global opprobrium cast on Russia and the Kremlin has had some impact.

Yet it's one matter to call an effective moratorium on murder. It's another to have decisive judicial action on prior cases. Wednesday was the fourth anniversary of the murder of Paul Klebnikov, the crusading editor of Forbes Russia, who was gunned down near his office as he walked to the Metro. His family marked the date by insisting that the Russians find and try Klebnikov's assailants.

Britain's Brown said that he told Medvedev at the G-8 summit in Japan that the U.K. will not drop the Litvinenko case. Murder carried out in the U.K. must be adjudicated. So far, it's not clear that the Russians get that point.

Photo: lilibethjanuary
Rights: Creative Commons

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Monday, July 7, 2008

Food, Energy, Global Warming. But What About Murder?

Oil and food prices are going through the roof, and the world isn't getting any cooler, so it's appropriate that these topics dominate the talk among the leaders of the world's main economies meeting in Japan right now. But British Prime Minister Gordon Brown has another issue on his mind, and that's murder.

Marina Litvinenko says she's received word that, when Brown meets with Russian leader Dmitri Medvedev, he'll probably bring up the 2006 murder of her husband, KGB defector Alexander Litvinenko, who was poisoned with polonium-210, a rare nuclear isotope. Britain has charged a member of the Russian Duma, Andrei Lugovoi, with murder, and has so far unsuccessfully sought his extradition for trial.

It seems highly unlikely that Medvedev will reverse the position taken by his predecessor, Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who says the British failed to provide sufficient evidence backing up the charges, and that furthermore Russia's constitution bars extradition of its citizens.

Though his style seems more accommodating than Putin's, and Medvedev says he's willing to compromise on disputes with Britain if Gordon will, too, Medvedev hasn't shifted away from any of Putin's main policies.

Yet one wonders whether, in this case, he's prepared to embrace one of his predecessor's main personal idiosyncracies, which has been a strange willingness to be seen as a killer, or a harborer of them.

The answer will help inform the G-8 leaders -- and the next American president – how to deal with oil-rich Russia as it likely grows stronger in the years ahead.

At issue is a series of unsolved murders that weigh over Putin's eight-year rule. Together, they have revealed Putin to be the latest in a long line of Russian dictators whose common thread is an indifference toward the lives of their people.

Putin wishes Russia to be regarded as a rightful member of G-8, the group of industrialized nations that includes the United States, western Europe and Japan. But the Kremlin's record of behavior toward its citizens – an attitude of bespredel, or anything goes, in perceived defense of the state – sets Russia apart from the group's other members. Only in Russia is there a line that, when crossed, can subject its violator to murder, while leaving the culprit unpunished and free to kill again.

Earlier this month, Medvedev told a Berlin audience that Russia would prosecute "to the end" all cases of slain journalists, who make up many of the most high-profile victims. One hopes he was sincere, but skepticism is warranted since Putin promised similarly yet did not deliver.

One of the cases is that of New York-born Paul Klebnikov, the 43-year-old editor of Forbes magazine's Russia edition. Klebnikov, a descendant of Czarist-era Russian nobility, was best known for a ground-breaking investigation of billionaire Boris Berezovsky. But in 2004, gunmen killed him outside his Moscow office.

Police used telephone records to quickly identify two suspects. The defendants, Chechens named Kazbek Dukuzov and Musa Vakhaev, were acquitted in May 2006, but then re-charged, which is permitted under Russia's justice system. Whatever queasiness a westerner might have with double jeopardy, at that point senior Russian officials seemed to be watching. But since then the case has languished. Crucially, police say they can't find Dukuzov to try him again.

In recent weeks, equally troubling news emerged in the murder of Anna Politkovskaya, an internationally known investigative reporter who was shot execution-style in 2006 in her Moscow apartment building. Prosecutors charged three men, but said nothing about the actual alleged killer, Rustam Makhmudov, a brother of two of the defendants. And, as in Klebnikov's case, the identity of the mastermind remains a public mystery.

Doubts about the official investigations in the Klebnikov and Politkovskaya cases don't start at the precinct level – the police work in both seemed first-rate. But there are suspicions of political interference. Some of the skepticism was fueled by Putin, who famously remarked after the Politkovskaya slaying that it was a pity but that her "influence on the country's political life . . . was minimal."

The most notorious murder is that of Litvinenko. The United Kingdom charged Andrei Lugovoi, a former Russian intelligence agent, and sought his extradition from Russia. Putin could have acquitted himself and Russia as a whole by cooperating with Britain. Instead, he rejected the request, and last December, Lugovoi won election to the Duma, thereby gaining immunity from prosecution within Russia while a wanted man in Europe. (Lugovoi denies the charge, and blames British intelligence for the murder.)

There's no evidence that Putin ordered, or even knew in advance about, any of the killings. Yet opinion hardened abroad that he was at the least complicit for creating the atmosphere of impunity for killers in his country. That he seemed unmoved to counter this menacing impression was perhaps intentional -- he may wish to send the message, Don't mess with Russia. But if that is the aim, it is not a formula for the serious relations that Russia claims to seek with the rest of the world.

Putin's authority seems to remain key in Russia. Yet, as Republican John McCain and Democrat Barack Obama formulate their foreign policies, Medvedev's own attitude toward death should be a pivotal consideration. Whether he genuinely prosecutes killers, or continues the policy of bespredel, will speak volumes on whether to embrace Russia, or treat it from a distance.

Photo: World Economic Forum
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Wednesday, July 2, 2008

Labyrinth Excerpt

Business Week is running an excerpt of Labyrinth next week. Here is the link to it on the web site, where it went up last night.

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Monday, August 27, 2007

Politkovskaya: Arrests and Apprehension

The Kremlin used the occasion of a planned Moscow commemoration for slain journalist Anna Politkovskaya to announce the arrest of ten suspects. All are accused of a role in the hit team – which included former and current members of the Interior Ministry and an officer in the FSB, the successor agency to the KGB – and none of actually ordering last October’s murder. A memorial ceremony is planned in Moscow on Friday to mark her birthday. She would have turned 49 Thursday.

Interfax quoted Politkovskaya’s boss at Novaya Gazeta, Dmitry Muratov, as finding the results of the investigation "very convincing and professional".

But, while Politkovskaya’s colleagues expressed confidence in the arrests, some also saw the makings of a political dimension to the news, for instance that the government might accuse Putin's political enemy, oligarch Boris Berezovsky, of being the mastermind of the murder. Here is the piece by Politkovskaya's newspaper, Novaya Gazeta, on today's events (it's the newspaper's own rough English translation).

Federal prosecutor Yuri Chaika fed that apprehension by saying that the murder was planned abroad. He also said that Politkovskaya knew the person who ordered her killing, and had met with him. She had met with Berezovsky several times in London.

Here are three reports:

Russia Today
Regnum.ru
bbc

In a televised meeting with President Putin and a followup news conference, Chaika outlined the murder, which occurred as she walked from the elevator of her apartment building. He said it was “carefully planned,” with two surveillance groups watching Politkovskaya. Evidence previously released, based on video from a surveillance camera near her apartment, showed a lone figure – apparently the trigger man – entering the apartment building and then walking out at about the time of the murder.

Chaika identified the leader of the hit team as the ethnic Chechen head of a Moscow crime group specializing in contract murder. Without providing the man’s name, he said the group had organized murders in Russia, Ukraine and Latvia. He said the same hit team may have been involved in the 2004 murder of Forbes Russia editor Paul Klebnikov and the 2006 killing of central bank deputy chief Andrei Kozlov.

An FSB official identified the FSB suspect as Lt. Col. Pavel Ryuguzov. He is the only suspect whose name was released. The arrests were made from Aug. 15 through last Thursday.

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