• Steve LeVine covers foreign affairs for Business Week. He previously was correspondent for Central Asia and the Caucasus for The Wall Street Journal and The New York Times for 11 years. His first book, The Oil and the Glory, a history of the former Soviet Union through the lens of oil, was published in October 2007. Putin’s Labyrinth, his new book, profiles Russia through the lives and deaths of six Russians. It was released in June 2008.

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    A Blog on Russia, Energy, the Caspian and
    Beyond

    Tuesday, December 4, 2007

    Notes on the Pipeline War: Amateur Hour in Washington and Europe

    Note: I had an interesting interview today with David Inge of WILL Radio at the University of Illinois. Lots of history, Russia, Iran and China.

    Now to pipelines. I’ve been exchanging emails with an oilman friend about a long natural gas pipeline championed by the United States and Europe to meet Vladimir Putin’s petro-thrust into Europe. This friend, who chooses to correspond privately, thinks the West’s handling of the pipeline, called Nabucco, has been amateurish at best. And I must say after going over it with him that he makes a strong case.

    As background, this clumsily named, 2,000-mile-long pipeline would start in Turkey and terminate in Austria. It would transport natural gas from the Central Asian republics of Turkmenistan, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, providing them a financial channel independent of current monopoly-buyer Russia. It would also help to diversify the natural gas supply of Europe, which relies on Russia for some 30% of its gas.

    Nabucco is the West’s response to three big Russian-planned pipelines that instead would channel Central Asian gas north to Russia, for onward export to Europe through the planned Nord Stream and South Stream pipelines. The pipelines would advance a shrewd Russian market strategy to cement and build on its domination of Europe's energy supply.

    Russia is far advanced in the contest, but the West thinks it can catch up. As readers of this blog know, the Bush administration is about to name Thomas Pickering, one of Washington’s most seasoned statesmen, to head the diplomatic effort in a newly created office within the State Department.

    But my friend argues that, not only would Pickering not be poised to push Nabucco over the finish line, the West is currently “not even in the starting gate.”

    Putting aside for the moment that the Central Asians have yet to make a necessary commitment to the line, Nabucco’s advocates have to date failed to perform a detailed economic analysis of the proposed line. And because they also have no convincing engineering study of the line, along with a detailed, country-by-country understanding of how big or small the role of each player in the complex line would be, the West ends up at risk of being manipulated by those with a vested interest in its construction.

    In the 1990s, when the U.S. got behind the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline – the million-barrel-a-day line connecting Baku with the Turkish Mediterranean – it corralled support money from organizations like the Export-Import Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. No equivalent effort has accompanied the campaign for Nabucco.

    So is the West serious? If so, my friend says it might move beyond a pose and create a program. He makes sense.

    Photo: PhylB
    Rights: Creative Commons

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    4 Comments:

    Anonymous Mark said...

    I'm no expert on this. But does it make sense to focus on the Turkey-Austria portion of the supply line before making sure that the Central Asia-Turkey part is going to work out?

    December 4, 2007 2:17 PM  
    Blogger Steve said...

    Welcome mark. You're somewhat right. The first step has to be the Turkmen president, Berdymukhamedov, agreeing to spearhead the line. But there also needs to be a serious proposal on the table and not just a slogan; otherwise, why should he stick his neck out? Thanks for the remark and best, Steve

    December 4, 2007 3:59 PM  
    Blogger Tacitus said...

    I'm pretty out of touch on these matters now, but I'm not sure your analysis really holds up.

    First, I am not sure the US/Europe needs to create at this point commitment from the suppliers. As I recall, they (well, the Kazakhs, and other skeptics) said Baku-Ceyhan couldn't be built without dedicated Kazakhstan volumes. It was built, and suppliers from KZ jumped in when it was clear the line was really going to be there. So lining up suppliers seems a secondary concern.

    More importantly, and what I think those that designed Nabucco were going for when they placed it as they did, was that it will take its supplies not just from the former Soviet space, but from Syria, Egypt and possibly Iraq. It diversifies Euro gas supplies beyond Russia, and beyond the former USSR, to the Mideast. That's kind of canny strategy, when you think about it (so long as you think the Mideast will be able to actually deliver to the line. That I do not know.

    But I think you're looking at the issue too narrowly, and possibly too skeptically. It took 8 years for Baku-Ceyhan to develop, and it went through a lot of fits and starts. Nabucco could turn out the same.

    FWIW, Nabucco also doesn't seem like a particularly US-driven project -- all of the sponsor groups are Euro gas companies -- importers. So it's not a great parallel to Baku-Ceyhan, which was driven by oil producers, who brought the necessary political force to bear. I don't know why the int'l gas companies couldn't do the same, but they don't seem to have the heft (other than Gazprom, of course).

    Also, your link goes to the Verdi opera Nabucco, not the pipeline. Still an interesting read though.

    December 4, 2007 4:32 PM  
    Blogger Steve said...

    Hi Tacitus. Baku-Ceyhan became a reality when BP decided that the Baku offshore had sufficient volumes to justify the line -- at the time said to be 4 billion barrels, now upped to 5.6 billion -- and negotiated to make it happen. Kazakhstan volumes were not part of the calculus in building it. That's called a "throughput guarantee," and it's what's traditionally required to make an oil pipeline work.

    But the glue that made Baku-Ceyhan stick together was that the Azeri and Georgian presidents -- Heydar Aliyev and Eduard Shevardnadze -- were the actual spearheads. They were the ones who would have to take it on the chin were Russia to act, and thus they had to be -- and were -- out front.

    In the case of natural gas pipelines, the standard is a "take or pay" agreement. The end-user agrees to buy a certain volume, which is what makes pipeline construction feasible. But what end-user is going to sign a binding take-or-pay agreement for an imaginary pipeline?

    For the same reason Aliyev and Shevardnadze needed to be the main actors in Baku-Ceyhan, Berdymukhamedov needs to play that role with trans-Caspian. Once he commits (and signs a natural gas development deal providing for supply to be fed into the line), everything else can fall into place.

    Middle East gas can feed into the line. But Turkmenistan is the key. And Berdymukhamedov has to be made to feel comfortable distancing himself from Russia.

    Thanks for the comment and best, Steve

    December 4, 2007 4:50 PM  

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